A New Republican Candidate that Looks...Credible?
A New Republican Candidate that Looks...Credible?
Cain wants to ban muslims and build a Great Wall along our southern border. Bachmann wants to end a cap and trade program that doesn't exist and pass a hetero consitutional marriage amendment. Gingrich wants to slash corporate tax rates so that they'll actually pay them. Pawlenty wants to make congress vote on every regulation every year...and do little else. Romney wants whatever's popular at the moment it's popular; ditto Huntsman. All of the manic conservatism gives voters the impression that the 2012 GOP field is actively trying to provide us with the least viable policy options imaginable. Amidst all of that however, and a relative blip on the major news cycle radar, is a Republican newcomer who wants to do something that actually sounds reasonable: remove corporate and special interest influence from the political system.
Last Thursday former three-term Louisiana governor Buddy Roemer entered the Republican race for the nomination in New Hampshire. Given the mainstream news outlets fixation on debt ceiling negotiations and Norway's recent tragedies, there was very little media coverage of the announcement. However, Roemer's entrance could be a significant shift in the tenor of the GOP race. While many Republican hopefuls have attempted to appeal to a Tea Party base with ultra-conservative (and often uktra-illogical) proclamations, Roemer has entered the race on an outwardly reasonable and timely platform; eliminate the massive influence of corporations and special interests through foreign trade and corporate tax reform and campaign finance reform. An excerpt form his announcement in New Hampshire:
“I run to prepare America to grow jobs again, beginning with the elimination of our tolerance for unfair foreign trade practices and the use of our own tax code to ship jobs overseas. I run to reveal and challenge the control of the special interest over our nation’s capital, and demonstrate the freedom to lead that can only come from refusing their money.”
Roemer's message is diametrically opposed to many of his Republican opponents; many of whom want to see corporate taxes lowered and corporate regulations (and regulatory agencies) weakened. The unfair trade practices Roemer refers to are policies like off-shore tax deferrments, where companies that make profits overseas can keep those profits overseas (in foreign accounts) and not be required to pay taxes on them; an incentive for companies to actually do more business overseas than at home. Roemer's challenge for campaign-finance reform is an old one, but is very timely. Presidential races begin as much as 18 months to two years before the actual election; diverting candidates' energy from doing the actual work of running the country to campaigning. Candidates often legislate according to lobbies and special interests that donate heavily to their campaigns; ineffect, they're working and campaigning. With the recent Supreme Court Citizens United decision, corporations and special interests have unprecedented access to candidates and their campaign coffers. So how is Roemer going to avoid these chasm-like pitfalls? He refuses to take donations over $100 dollars, as he says, "saying that it’s the only way...to prevent being bought off by the same interests that have dominated Washington," according to ThinkProgress. Watch a clip from Roemer on Fox News below:
Roemer's message has huge popular support. After years of bailouts and huge corporate profits despite lagging employment, price hikes, and sluggish growth, Americans have some serious distrust of American corporations. Watching Capitol Hill go to bat for special interests while simultaneously advocating for deep cuts to public services likewise leaves a bad taste in voters' mouths. Admittedly, Roemer has some serious obstacles; little name-recognition compared to some GOP opponents, as well as his self-imposed finance guideline raising money only from $100 donations. However, Roemer's platform definitely speaks to American voters, and if he gains serious popular support it may change the tone of some of his opponents' rhetoric. Imagine Gingrich, or Pawlenty, or Bachmann, or Cain forced to pull a U-turn on corporate taxes and special interests as the American public starts to swarm to Roemer's flag; likewise forced to answer claims of flip-flopping and back-walking. When we start getting into more Republican debates, it's very likely that Roemer will build some serious popular support for his campaign at a time when his Republican Party seems to have anything but.